Extract from House
of Commons Hansard, Debates for 11th June 2002
Nationality
Immigration and Asylum Bill
Report Stage Debate
on Amendment to restrict Appeal Rights
Mr Neil Gerrard
(Walthamstow):
I shall make a brief
contribution to the debate. I understand the concerns expressed by my right hon.
Friend the Home Secretary about the way in which the process is sometimes
dragged out deliberately by advisers and lawyers who know from the start that
victory in a case is unlikely. Those of us who deal with asylum cases will be
familiar with those instances in which atrocious advice is deliberately given
with no other aim than to drag the process out. We all see such cases, and I
understand my right hon. Friend's concern about them.
A proposal similar to
the one in the new clause was contained in the Asylum and Immigration Act 1996.
I remember the debates on that legislation, in which we discussed proposals from
the then Home Secretary that would have allowed people with manifestly unfounded
cases to be sent back to the countries from which they had arrived. The
proposals then allowed those people to mount appeals from those countries.
In the 1996 debates,
my right hon. Friend the Prime Minister was the shadow Home Secretary. His view
as to whether the proposed course of action was right was rather different then.
Some of the concerns raised about the proposals in the 1996 Act are being raised
again about the provisions in the new clauses.
We can tell people
removed to a third country that they have a right of appeal from that country,
but we cannot guarantee that that person will be allowed to stay in that third
country until an appeal is heard. It is quite possible that they will be sent on
somewhere else, or back to where they came from. We have no control over such
people once they have been removed from the UK.
Experience with other
appeals, such as family visit appeals, that are held on paper as opposed to
being held in person, shows that adjudicators trying to judge the credibility of
a person's story are more likely to respond positively when they can hear that
person speak. That can be of critical importance when adjudicators come to
decide whether an appeal should be allowed.
I should like some
clarification because, from my reading of the new clause, it seems to deal only
with removals to a safe third country as it refers to a country of which a
person "is not a national or citizen".
Mr. Letwin: I
hope that the hon. Gentleman will receive the clarification that he seeks. I did
not read the new clause that way, as he will have noticed. So far as I can see,
subsection (2) applies specifically to the opposite case; to someone who is not
being returned to a country of which that person is not a national-not another
safe country-but to the country of which that person is or may be a national-an
unsafe country, potentially.
Mr. Gerrard:
That is an important point, and I want to be clear about it. Subsection (3) is
quite clear, but some of the briefings and reports sent to us by outside
organisations suggest that someone could be summarily removed back to their
country of origin. I would be seriously concerned if that were the impact of
subsection (2).
Much of the debate so
far has focused on sending people back to France, Germany or Denmark, where they
might have been able to claim asylum but did not, as opposed to sending them
back directly to their country of origin. That is an important issue, and I
would like the meaning of subsection (2) to be made absolutely clear. Does it
mean that people can be summarily returned to their country of origin? If that
is a possibility, it puts a very different perspective on the new clause.
We have already
referred to who will make the decisions on certification and how those might be
challenged. If decisions on certification are to be made by a caseworker at a
port of entry, perhaps very quickly, and even though, on paper, a judicial
review might be possible, it might be difficult for someone to take that route
if they have been unable to obtain easy access to legal advice, as mentioned by
my hon. Friend the Member for Slough (Fiona Mactaggart).
Oakington has been
described as a place that would be used for cases that appeared to be unfounded.
A pattern seems to be emerging that the people sent to Oakington are from
certain countries of origin. One wonders whether that is the criterion, rather
than what the individual said when arriving at the port of entry. We will get
close, if we are not careful, to a white list in another form if countries of
origin become one of the main deciding factors in whether a case is manifestly
unfounded.
One of my greatest
concerns is that this could be a critical decision affecting the individual,
particularly if it involves summary return to the country of origin. It is
essential, therefore, to get the initial decision right. Comments made by the
hon. Member for West Dorset (Mr. Letwin) rang some bells. It is easy to talk as
if there are only two classes of asylum claimants-those who will be given asylum
because their cases are evidently well founded, and those, at the other extreme,
whose cases do not have a shred of credibility. The reality, however, is that
among the many thousands of people who claim asylum each year is a whole
spectrum of cases, from one extreme to the other.
We are trying to draw
lines in that spectrum. Inevitably, with regard to which cases are certified and
which are not, people will be bunched around that line. There will be very fine
divisions between claims being certified or not. It concerns me that very small
differences between individuals might lead them to be dealt with in
significantly different ways in respect of whether they have a right of appeal.
Mr. Patrick Hall
(Bedford): My hon. Friend is making some useful points about the principles
of out-of-country appeals. Does he share my concerns about the practicalities of
a person who is removed from the country without having completed or begun an
appeal here doing so from another country? What are the resource implications?
What support would there be? Would it be through a British overseas post which
is at present under great pressure, as we know from dealing with ordinary
matters, or would it be down to the individual to write, presumably in English,
to the authorities in this country? Has my hon. Friend given some thought to the
practicalities, never mind the principles, of the issue?
Mr. Gerrard:
That is an important point. Nothing in the Bill gives us an answer to that
question. Let us assume that a person could act in various ways-they could
pursue their appeal by writing, using the internet or visiting a British post
overseas. That, of course, gives rise to other practical questions. How does
that person obtain representation at their appeal? It would probably not be much
good for them to try to use a lawyer in another country who was not familiar
with British law, but how would they make contact with a lawyer in this country?
How would they brief the lawyer and where would they find the resources to
conduct an appeal?
Such situations are
different from other appeals conducted from overseas. For example, in family
visitor appeals there will inevitably be sponsors in the UK who can help with
some of the problems of finding representation in this country.
Mr. Letwin: Is
there not another and more fundamental difference? If a person is sent back to
the country of origin-if that is indeed the purport of subsection (2) of new
clause 14-will it not immediately be evident either that the decision that the
claim was unfounded was true and that the person has no basis for appeal because
they are happily situated back in their own country, or, unhappily for economic
reasons only; or that the claim was not unfounded and the person is in the most
dire straits? In that case, how on earth can they conduct an appeal if they are
being chopped up by some appalling regime to which they have been sent back by
mistake? I cannot see-can the hon. Gentleman?-how an in-country appeal can
resolve any problem that might arise under subsection (2).
Mr. Gerrard:
The hon. Gentleman is right. If a mistake is made, it is difficult to see how
the consequences can be anything but extremely serious for the person returned
on the basis of an unfounded claim.
Mr. Blunkett:
We must not misunderstand each other. My hon. Friend has been putting his case
extremely carefully and credibly, but we must not misunderstand what the shadow
Home Secretary has just said. I spelled out the unacceptable risks, on which we
are all agreed, and we are not intent on sending people back to countries that
would chop someone up, in the words of the hon. Gentleman-or anything like it.
We know of no country that has it in for one person alone, as regards taking
away their rights and exposing them to the danger of death or torture as
individuals, as opposed to the groups to which they belong, the religion they
hold, the politics they espouse or any of the other things that I read out. I
was specific about that because it is in those terms that we are talking about
returning people.
Mr. Gerrard: I
completely accept my right hon. Friend's point, but I question whether the
proposed system will deliver what he says and whether there might not be a risk
of serious problems for some individuals whose claim has been certified as
unfounded.
Fiona Mactaggart: It may help my hon. Friend if I give an example of a case where such risks
might occur in a country which is usually safe for most people. In parts of some
countries, female genital mutilation is practised on young women and there is no
adequate protection for them. That happens in countries to which we might
consider returning people. I am not clear that the procedures would offer
adequate protection that such practices could never happen.
Mr. Gerrard: My
hon. Friend makes an extremely valid point. Such issues have always given rise
to difficulty-whether only part of a country is safe and whether the person
being returned actually ends up in the part of the country that is supposed to
be safe.
My final point relates
to new clause 15. My understanding is that it would apply to cases that were
already in the system. An appeal might already be in progress under the existing
system, but under the new clause the process could be stopped before the appeal
was heard, the case could be certified as unfounded and the person could be
removed. Retrospective legislation of any sort always concerns me. If that is
the effect of new clause 15, I would be extremely worried.
Extract from House
of Commons Hansard, Debates for 11th June 2002
Nationality
Immigration and Asylum Bill
Report Stage Debate
on Amendment and Schedule affecting Support Systems
Mr Neil Gerrard
(Walthamstow):
I want to raise two
issues briefly. First, I have a number of questions about new schedule 1. I must
admit that I have difficulty in understanding all its implications; the schedule
is complex and long.
Simon Hughes: It is
recent.
Mr. Gerrard: I shall
be generous: new schedule 1 has recently appeared on the amendment paper.
Clearly, it will have a serious impact on the individuals who will be subject to
some of its provisions, as they may lose all forms of support.
I well understand the
argument that questions why a local authority should support someone who is
entitled to be supported elsewhere. Why should someone who has perfectly normal
rights to receive support in another EU country come to the United Kingdom, turn
up at a local authority's offices and demand support? I understand the rationale
behind such an argument.
I clearly understand
the reasoning behind the proposals on children and families. Obviously, great
pressure would be put on individuals who were told that they were to be removed
from the United Kingdom, if the choice that faced them was either to comply with
the removal directions, or for their children to receive support and be taken
into care under clause 20, while they themselves received no support.
I may be getting the
proposal completely wrong because I have not had the time to understand all the
details, but I find it difficult to see exactly how some of the provisions will
work. Local authorities provided many but not all of the forms of support
referred to in paragraph 1 of new schedule 1, including those under the National
Assistance Act 1948, the Health Services and Public Health Act 1968 and Social
Work (Scotland) Act 1968. There is a reference—I am not sure what it means—to
section 21 of and schedule 8 to the National Health Service Act 1977. I hope
that that does not mean that access to mental health services may be cut, if
those services are relevant. If those are the sort of benefits that may
disappear and which people risk losing, it is fairly obvious that many of the
decisions to remove such support will be taken by local authorities. A local
authority will be faced with having to decide whether to give someone support
under the National Assistance Act 1948, or withdraw the support that has already
been given under that Act.
Ms Karen Buck
(Regent's Park and Kensington, North): My hon. Friend makes an important point.
When they make assessments for services, local authorities will have an
opportunity to determine whether someone is eligible for assistance. What does
my hon. Friend think will happen if someone already receives assistance? How
will local authorities know how to implement Home Office decisions involving
those who are receiving such services?
Mr. Gerrard: That is a
very important point. Let us consider one or two examples. Let us suppose that
failed asylum seekers who fail to co-operate with their removal directions have
children and have therefore received some local authority support. Even though
their asylum claims have been refused, they would still be eligible for support
because they have children. According to new schedule 1, if failed asylum
seekers do not comply with the removal directions that have been set, their
support should disappear, except for that given to their children. I do not
understand how that will operate or how local authorities will acquire the
information necessary to decide that those failed asylum seekers should be cut
off from support.
Let us consider
someone who relies on rights under Community treaties. I have dealt with
immigration and asylum casework for a good number of years, but when someone
comes to see me at an advice surgery, I am often far from clear about the
precise implications of Community treaties. Local authority staff who have to
make decisions about whether to supply or continue support will need such
knowledge. Perhaps I am getting all this wrong and there are simple answers, but
I am bothered about new schedule 1 because of those concerns, although I
understand the principle behind it.
I am also far from
clear about how new schedule 1 relates to other parts of the Bill. How can those
who are subject to decisions made under that schedule challenge those decisions?
Suppose that someone is refused on the basis that they are a citizen of another
EEA state and they are not relying on a right by virtue of Community treaties,
but they claim that the decision is based on wrong information.
Alternatively, a
failed asylum seeker who had not co-operated with removal directions might
challenge that by saying that they or their representative never received such
directions. That is not unknown. How will it be possible to challenge the
decision? I cannot see how that will be done, unless it is through the mechanism
of judicial review of the local authority decision. What happens to the person
in the meantime if they try to go through that process? That is a complex
matter, and it is difficult to comprehend quickly. I hope that we can achieve
clarity with regard to those concerns about the new schedule.
I shall say a few
words about amendment No. 84, which I tabled with other hon. Members and which
relates to the removal of the support-only option from the present National
Asylum Support Service arrangements. The hon. Member for Southwark, North and
Bermondsey (Simon Hughes) has gone through the arguments about the number of
people who currently receive support only, and the reasons for that. My hon.
Friend the Member for Regent's Park and Kensington, North (Ms Buck) and the hon.
Member for Sheffield, Hallam (Mr. Allan) raised the issue in Committee.
My hon. Friend the
Member for Wallasey (Angela Eagle), who was then the Minister, provided some
clarification. She said that the clause was intended as an enabling power that
would create the potential to move away from cash-only support. She went on to
say clearly that that was not the Government's immediate intention, and that it
would not make sense to implement it until the Government had managed to
regionalise NASS and put more effective mechanisms in place. She added that she
could foresee a time when, if the reporting system was running properly and
accommodation centres were working effectively, it might be possible to consider
withdrawing the cash-only option. A clear view emerged in the Committee that the
proposal was long-term—that it would take effect only in the distant future when
accommodation centres were up and running, accommodation was provided generally
for all asylum seekers and there was no longer a need for cash-only support. I
have always felt reassured by the then Minister's comments.
However, I found
myself having to think again about the matter. Some hon. Members may have seen a
document from Downing street that found its way into the press not long ago. It
referred to ending cash-only support and commented that, among other things,
that would create a risk of begging and destitution in London. It also included
a comment about implementation in the autumn when NASS accommodation was ready.
That worried me. The document from Downing street may be totally inaccurate—I
would much prefer the reassurances that were given in Committee by my hon.
Friend the Member for Wallasey—but amendment No. 84 introduces a safeguard. Let
us assume that there will come a time when clear evidence can be provided by the
Home Office that accommodation centres are working, NASS accommodation is
available and cash-only support is no longer needed. If we reach that point, it
should be possible for positive resolutions to be put before both Houses, which
would allow us to debate and agree on the evidence. Everyone would then be much
more comfortable with the provision.
Mr. Richard Allan
(Sheffield, Hallam): Does the hon. Gentleman share my concern not just about the
numbers of places available in accommodation centres, but about the quality of
those places? People often take cash support because NASS accommodation has been
unsuitable. It would not be acceptable to withdraw cash-only support just
because we have 80,000 units of accommodation and 80,000 asylum seekers, if
those 80,000 units are not in the right places and of the right quality.
Mr. Gerrard: I take
the hon. Gentleman's point. People would opt for cash-only support for a variety
of reasons. I am merely making the straightforward point that, instead of a
statutory instrument, both Houses should consider positive resolutions. We might
all then feel much more comfortable about a future proposal to end cash-only
support. That is the purpose of amendment No. 84, which I hope will gain support
in the House.