House
of Commons Hansard Debates for 11 Jul 2001
Westminster Hall
Asylum
Seekers
Mr.
Neil Gerrard (Walthamstow):
While
the debate has focused mainly on prisons so far, I want briefly to raise some
other issues. I recall debates on the Immigration and Asylum Act 1999. It struck
me then, and still does, that the fundamental problem with our treatment of
asylum seekers is that the system established by that Act was designed to be
punitive. It was quite deliberate. The Act was about deterring people from
making applications. To that end, a tough regime was introduced, which applies
equally to every asylum applicant, whether genuine or not. What is happening now
with the voucher system and detentions is an inevitable consequence of the Act.
I am
glad that the Home Office is bringing the applications backlog down at long
last, and making progress, but I have never changed my view that if we are
serious about dealing with asylum applications we need to make decisions
efficiently and quickly, and enforce them. I know that that means that some
people must be removed. We must face that. However, it is far and away the best
approach.
I would
like to make some brief points on several separate issues. I apologise if I
become a little disjointed, but there is not enough time to go into detail.
First, I would like to deal with the operation of the National Asylum Support
Service. I spent the best part of a day at NASS a few weeks ago and what struck
me when I talked to people there and saw what they were doing was that there
were a lot of people working hard to make an impossible system work. The voucher
system has been reviewed, and I do not want to go into that this morning because
I hope that when that review is published there will be some fundamental
changes.
However, there are still some problems that need to be tackled. There are delays
in processing applications at NASS. As a London Member of Parliament, I tend to
see people who are not being dispersed but are applying for vouchers. I cannot
understand why people who apply for vouchers only are waiting six, seven, eight,
nine, or 10 weeks to get decisions on their applications. What on earth are they
supposed to live on during that period? If they are applying for vouchers they
are, by definition, claiming to be destitute and in most cases they genuinely
are. The issue of how to deal more efficiently with applications for voucher
support only must be tackled.
Then
there is the question of who gets dispersed. There is an ongoing discussion
about what happens to unaccompanied asylum-seeking children when they reach the
age of 18. Before that age, they are in the care of local authorities, but when
they turn 18 they become the responsibility of NASS. Just because they are
asylum-seeking children does not mean that they are not covered by the
provisions of the Children (Leaving Care) Act 2000, which refers to the
continued responsibility of the local authority. Arguments seem to be going on
between the Department of Health and NASS about how those children should be
treated. NASS, having originally drafted some guidance that said that
18-year-olds would be treated as exceptional cases, now says that it will
"consider" treating such children as exceptional cases. That needs resolving.
Another
dispersal-related issue is that of people with health problems. I have been
contacted more than once by medics in London who deal with people with HIV. Such
people are dispersed and then find that they do not receive treatment. That
raises serious public health concerns. Figures have been quoted about detention.
The figure of 1,800 people detained is a snapshot. The last set of figures that
I saw for a complete year showed that something like 15,000 people had been
detained at some point during the year. In the past couple of years the Home
Office has said that it is unable to answer parliamentary questions on the
matter and does not have the figures for people detained whose cases have not
been determined. When those figures were supplied, a year or two ago, such
people were in the majority.
How
many of those people who are detained are then given refugee status or
exceptional leave to remain? Some of them certainly are, but I suspect that the
Home Office does not know how many. Probably, if one examined the figures, one
would find that the rate of acceptance of those detained was not very different
from the rate for people who were not. Detention generally has no rational basis
and is often more connected with the nationality of the person than with
anything else. The bail provisions of the 1999 Act have already been mentioned.
It is important that they should come into force.
My
final point is on decision making. Huge numbers of people are now being refused
asylum on grounds of non-compliance. All that we are doing is shifting many of
those cases into the appeals queue instead of having a proper first look at
their case. We must give people longer to put the forms in—or, at the very
least, ensure that the forms are translated into appropriate languages. There
are notes to go with the forms, but they do not always get to people when they
have to fill them in.
The
issues that I have highlighted in regard to the way in which the system is
working—in the context of my fundamental disagreement with it—need serious
attention.